Decoration à l’Orange: Jan Lievens’s Mars and Venus in Context

Jan Lievens,  Mars and Venus, 1653, Stiftung Preußische Schlösser und Gärten Berlin-Brandenburg

This essay reconsiders Jan Lievens’s Mars and Venus as a commission by the new Electress of Brandenburg, Louise Henriette of Orange-Nassau (1627–1667), and frames it within the collecting taste established by her parents at the court in The Hague. This contextualization reconciles the painting’s identification as allegory, history and portrait historié, and illuminates Lievens’s visual sources.

DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2013.5.2.14

Acknowledgements

I offer this essay with appreciation to an outstanding mentor, Professor Egbert Haverkamp-Begemann. He helped to focus my interests in the circle of Rembrandt to the figure of Jan Lievens, and I have been fascinated by the artist ever since. I will be forever grateful for Egbert’s support and friendship.

Jan Lievens,  Mars and Venus, 1653,  Stiftung Preußische Schlösser und Gärten Berlin-Brandenburg
Fig. 1 Jan Lievens, Mars and Venus, 1653, oil on canvas, 146 x 136 cm. Stiftung Preußische Schlösser und Gärten Berlin-Brandenburg, inv. no. GK I 2573 (photograph by Wolfgang Pfauder 2008) (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Thomas Willeboirts Bosschaert,  Dido and Aeneas in the Den, 1646,  Stiftung Preußische Schlösser und Gärten Berlin-Brandenburg
Fig. 2 Thomas Willeboirts Bosschaert, Dido and Aeneas in the Den, 1646, oil on canvas, 297 x 255 cm. Stiftung Preußische Schlösser und Gärten Berlin-Brandenburg, inv. no. GK I 6291 (photograph by Roland Handrick 1998) (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Gerard van Honthorst,  Allegory of the Marriage of Louise Henriette and, 1650,  Oranjezaal, Koninklijk Paleis Huis ten Bosch, The Hague
Fig. 3 Gerard van Honthorst, Allegory of the Marriage of Louise Henriette and the Great Elector of Brandenburg, 1650, oil on canvas, 200 x 300 cm. Oranjezaal, Koninklijk Paleis Huis ten Bosch, The Hague, inv. no. SC/1286 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Willem van Honthorst,  Allegory of the Founding of Oranienburg,  ca. 1655,  Kreismuseum Oberhavel
Fig. 4 Willem van Honthorst, Allegory of the Founding of Oranienburg, ca. 1655, oil on canvas, 350 x 400 cm. Kreismuseum Oberhavel (photograph by Stefan Binkowski 2012) (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Jan Mytens,  Elector Friedrich Wilhelm and His Family,  ca. 1666,  Stiftung Preußische Schlösser und Gärten Berlin-Brandenburg
Fig. 5 Jan Mytens, Elector Friedrich Wilhelm and His Family, ca. 1666, oil on canvas, 333 x 271 cm. Stiftung Preußische Schlösser und Gärten Berlin-Brandenburg, inv. no. GK I 1019 (photograph by Wolfgang Pfauder 2003) (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Gerard van Honthorst,  Allegory of the Marriage of Louise Henriette and, 1650,  Oranjezaal, Koninklijk Paleis Huis ten Bosch, The Hague
Fig. 6 Detail of figure 3 [side-by-side viewer]
Peter Paul Rubens,  Mars and Venus,  ca. 1617,  Formerly Stiftung Preußische Schlösser und Gärten Berlin-Brandenburg (lost)
Fig. 7 Peter Paul Rubens, Mars and Venus, ca. 1617, oil on canvas, 170 x 193 cm. Formerly Stiftung Preußische Schlösser und Gärten Berlin-Brandenburg (lost), inv. no. GK I 2284 (photograph by an anonymous artist before 1945) (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Jan Lievens,  Allegory of Peace, 1652,  Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 8 Jan Lievens, Allegory of Peace, 1652, oil on canvas, 220 x 204 cm. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, inv. no. SK-A-612 (photograph by Rik Klein Gotink 2010) (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
  1. 1. Hans Schneider, Jan Lievens: Sein Leben und seine Werke (Haarlem: De eerven F. Bohn n.v., 1932), no. 87.

  2. 2. For a full account of the literature on this painting, see Jacquelyn N. Coutré, “Jan Lievens: Painting, Politics, and Decoration in Dutch Art, 1653–1669” (PhD diss., Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 2011), 136. On the 1699 inventory, see Gerd Bartoschek, Gemälde aus dem Schloß Oranienburg (Oranienburg: Kreismuseum Oranienburg, 1978), 18.

  3. 3. The 1816 inventory of the Berliner Schloß describes the painting solely as a portrait while attributing it to Thomas Willeboirts Bosschaert. See Helmut Börsch-Supan, Die Gemälde im Jagdschloß Grunewald (Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1964), 90. Most recently, the painting has been classified as a portrait historié in Jan Lievens: A Dutch Master Rediscovered, ed. Arthur K. Wheelock, Jr., exh. cat. (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art; Milwaukee Art Museum; Amsterdam: Rembrandthuis, 2008–09), no. 50.

  4. 4. Schneider, Jan Lievens, no. 87; Lloyd DeWitt, “Evolution and Ambition in the Career of Jan Lievens (1607–1674)” (PhD diss., University of Maryland, 2006), 213–14; and Jan Lievens: A Dutch Master Rediscovered, no. 50.

  5. 5. “And her beautiful blond hair covered with golden ribbons” (En haer schoon blonde hayr met gulden spansels decken). As quoted in Karel van Mander, Wtlegginge op den Metamorphosis Pub. Ovid. Nasonis . . . (Haarlem: Paschier van Westbusch, 1604; repr., Utrecht: Davaco, 1969), fol. 29r.

  6. 6. Marieke Tiethoff-Spliethoff, “Role-Play and Representation: Portrait Painting at the Court of Frederik Hendrik and Amalia,” in Princely Display: The Court of Frederik Hendrik of Orange and Amalia van Solms, ed. Marika Keblusek and Jori Zijlmans (Zwolle: Waanders, 1997), 171. Important studies on portrait historié in the United Provinces include Rose Wishnevsky, “Studien zum ‘portrait historié’ in den Niederlanden” (PhD diss., Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, 1967); Alison McNeil Kettering, The Dutch Arcadia: Pastoral Art and Its Audience in the Golden Age (Montclair, N.J.: Boydell Press, 1983), chapt. 5; Sarah M. Crawford-Parker, “Refashioning Female Identity: Women’s Roles in Seventeenth-Century Dutch Historiated Portraits” (PhD diss., University of Kansas, 2006); and Ann Jensen Adams, Public Faces and Private Identities in Seventeenth-Century Holland: Portraiture and the Production of Community (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), chapt. 4.

  7. 7. On the appreciation of portraits, including portraits historiés, by Amalia, see Crawford-Parker, “Refashioning Female Identity,” chapt. 1; Virginia Clare Treanor, “Amalia van Solms and the Formation of the Stadhouder’s Art Collection, 1625–1675” (PhD diss., University of Maryland, 2012), chapt. 3; and Saskia Beranek, “Power of the Portrait: Production, Consumption and Display of Portraits of Amalia van Solms in the Dutch Republic” (PhD diss., University of Pittsburgh, 2013). I have not read Beranek’s dissertation, but she has been generous enough to share her ideas with me.

  8. 8. Amalia van Solms-Braunfels as Diana (1632; Gothisches Haus, Wörlitz); Louise Christina van Solms-Braunfels as Diana (ca. 1636; present location unknown); Louise Hollandine as Diana (1643; Centraal Museum, Utrecht); and Elizabeth, Princess Palatine, as Diana (ca. 1632; Bayerisches Staatsgemäldesammlungen, Munich). See J. Richard Judson and Rudolf E. O. Ekkart, Gerrit van Honthorst, 1592–1656, Aetas Aurea 14 (Doornspijk: Davaco, 1999), nos. 310, 456, 365, and 350; see also no. 327. The studio of Jan Mytens produced several portraits of Albertine Agnes (1634–1696) and Maria (1642–1688), Amalia’s second eldest and youngest daughters, as Diana in the early 1660s. See Alexandra Nina Bauer, Jan Mijtens (1613/14–1670): Leben und Werk, Studien der internationalen Architektur- und Kunstgeschichte 21 (Petersberg: Michael Imhof, 2006), nos. A49, A53, A54, and A78.

  9. 9. Amalia van Solms-Braunfels as Flora (ca. 1629; Gothisches Haus, Wörlitz) and Amalia van Solms-Braunfels as Esther (1633; Smith College Museum of Art, Northampton, Mass.). See Judson and Ekkart, Gerrit van Honthorst, nos. 298 and 311.

  10. 10. Elizabeth Stuart, Queen of Bohemia, as Flora and Friedrich V, King of Bohemia, as a Shepherd with Their Children (undated; present location unknown); Elisabeth van Solms as Minerva (1632; present location unknown); and Charlotte de la Trémouille as Minerva (1632; Stichting Historische Verzamelingen van het Huis Oranje-Nassau, The Hague). See Judson and Ekkart, Gerrit van Honthorst, nos. 326, 454, and 461.

  11. 11. Elizabeth Stuart, Queen of Bohemia, as Venus (1646; present location unknown). See Judson and Ekkart, Gerrit van Honthorst, no. 341. On a painting by Ferdinand Bol in which a woman of high social standing is depicted as Venus, see Rudolf E. O. Ekkart, “A portrait historié with Venus, Paris, and Cupid: Ferdinand Bol and the Patronage of the Spiegel Family,” Simiolus 29, nos. 1/2 (2002): 14–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3780923

  12. 12. Amalia van Solms and Charlotte de la Trémouille as Diana and a Nymph (1633; Collection of the Duke and Duchess Fitzwilliam, Castle Milton). See Judson and Ekkart, Gerrit van Honthorst, no. 111; see also no. 297.

  13. 13. Tiethoff-Spliethoff notes that only one historiated portrait of Frederik Hendrik is documented; see Tiethoff-Spliethoff, “Role-Play and Representation,” 171. Beranek also touches upon the gendered nature of the portrait historié at Amalia’s court in her dissertation (email correspondence, February 22, 2013).

  14. 14. Seymour Slive, Frans Hals (London: Phaidon, 1970), 1:51.

  15. 15. Crawford-Parker, “Refashioning Female Identity,” 81–110.

  16. 16. David R. Smith, Masks of Wedlock: Seventeenth-Century Dutch Marriage Portraiture (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1982), 48.

  17. 17. On Amalia’s concerns about rank for the marriage of her daughters, see Simon Groenveld, “Frederick Henry and His Entourage: A Brief Political Biography,” in Princely Patrons: The Collection of Frederick Henry of Orange and Amalia van Solms in The Hague, ed. Peter van der Ploeg and Carola Vermeeren, exh. cat. (The Hague: Royal Portrait Gallery Mauritshuis, 1997–98), 30. Amalia made successful alliances for her daughters after her husband’s death: Albertine Agnes married Stadholder Willem Frederik van Nassau-Dietz (1613–1664) in 1652, Henriette Catharine (1637–1708) married Prince Johann Georg II von Anhalt-Dessau (1627–1693) in 1659, and Maria married Count Palatine Ludwig Heinrich Moritz von Simmeren (1640–1674) in 1666.

  18. 18. Although the 1699 inventory postdates Louise Henriette’s death by thirty-two years, her will of 1662 states that nothing in the palace should be removed or altered until one of her children should be in a position to inhabit it. Her surviving family seems to have visited it infrequently through the late 1680s. See Wilhelm Böck, Oranienburg: Geschichte eines Preussischen Königsschlosses, Forschungen zur Deutschen Kunstgeschichte 30 (Berlin: Deutscher Verein für Kunstwissenschaft, 1938), 33–34.

  19. 19. Having remained in The Hague through the death of her father and then giving birth to her first son at Schloß Zwanenburg in Cleves in May 1648, the Electress did not see her new home until 1650. See Ulrike Hammer, Kurfürstin Luise Henriette: Eine Oranierin als Mittlerin zwischen den Niederlanden und Brandenburg-Preußen, Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur Norwesteuropas 4 (Münster and New York: Waxmann, 2001), 81. On the similarities between Bützow and Holland, see Böck, Oranienburg, 14. On the rejuvenation of Bützow, see Böck, Oranienburg, 14–28; Tony Saring, Louise Henriëtte, Prinses van Oranje (Amsterdam: A.J.G. Strengholt, 1942), 78–86; Konrad A. Ottenheym, “Fürsten, Architekten, und Lehrbücher: Wege der holländischen Baukunst nach Brandenburg im 17. Jahrhundert,” in Onder den Oranje boom: Niederländische Kunst und Kultur im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert an deutschen Fürstenhöfen, ed. Markus Schacht, Jörg Meinder, and Horst Lademacher, exh. cat. (Krefeld: Kaiser-Wilhelm-Museum; Schloß Oranienburg; Apeldoorn: Paleis Het Loo, 1999–2000), 291–93; and Hammer, Kurfürstin Luise Henriette, 82–92.

  20. 20. Konrad Ottenheym also came to this conclusion. See Ottenheym, “Fürsten, Architekten, und Lehrbücher,” 293; see also Hammer, Kurfürstin Luise Henriette, 94.

  21. 21. On Ter Nieuburg, see D.F. Slothouwer, De Paleizen van Frederik Hendrik (Leiden: A.W. Sijthoff, 1945),89–133, 289–303; and Jacob van Campen: Het klassieke ideal in de Gouden Eeuw, ed. Jacobine Huisken, Koen Ottenheym, and Gary Schwartz (Amsterdam: Architectura & Natura Pers, 1995), 174. On Honselaarsdijk, see Slothouwer, Paleizen, 57–82; and Rebecca Joslyn Tucker, “The Art of Living Nobly: The Patronage of Prince Frederik Hendrik (1584–1647) at the Palace of Honselaarsdijk during the Dutch Republic” (PhD diss., Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 2002).

  22. 22. On the unusually early beginnings of Amalia’s porcelain collection, see C. Willemijn Fock, “The Apartments of Frederick Hendrik and Amalia van Solms: Princely Splendour and the Triumph of Porcelain,” in Princely Patrons: The Collection of Frederick Henry of Orange and Amalia van Solms in The Hague, ed. Peter van der Ploeg and Carola Vermeeren, exh. cat. (The Hague: Royal Portrait Gallery Mauritshuis, 1997–98), 80–81. See also Treanor, “Amalia van Solms,” chapt. 4.

  23. 23. Böck, Oranienburg, 26.

  24. 24. Judson and Ekkart, Gerrit van Honthorst, 21–22. A similar balustrade, given to Pieter de Grebber and Paulus Bor, adorned the ceiling of the main hall at Honselaarsdijk. See Tucker, “The Art of Living Nobly,” 179–81.

  25. 25. On the numerous paintings by Dutch artists that hung at Oranienburg, see Bartoschek, Gemälde aus dem Schloß Oranienburg, 11–14; and Gerd Bartoschek, “Ein Kurfürstliches Gemäldekabinett,” in FWC (1620–1688): Der Große Kurfürst; Sammler, Bauherr, Mäzen, exh. cat. (Potsdam: Neues Paleis, 1988), 134–48.

  26. 26. Saring, Louise Henriëtte, 66.

  27. 27. Inventarissen van de inboedels in de verblijven van de Oranjes en daarmede gelijk te stellen stukken 1567–1795, ed. S.W.A. Drossaers and Th.H. Lunsingh Scheurleer (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1974), 1:207. On Rubens’s depictions of Mars and Venus, see Reinhold Baumstark, “Ikonographische Studien zu Rubens Kriegs- und Friedensallegorien,” Aachener Kunstblätter, vol. 45, ed. Peter Ludwig (Cologne: M. Dumont Schauberg, 1974), 125–234.

  28. 28. The engraving published by Abraham van Hoorn (undated; Rijksprentenkabinet, Amsterdam) likely postdates Lievens’s painting.

  29. 29. Louise Henriette must have followed the advice, recorded by Guido Mancini in his Considerazioni sulla pittura (1621), that salacious images should be hung in private chambers. See Dena Marie Woodall, “Sharing Space: Double Portraiture in Renaissance Italy” (PhD diss., Case Western Reserve University, 2008), 207.

  30. 30. Van Mander, Wtlegginge, fol. 30v; Lucretius, De Rerum Natura, rev. Martin Ferguson Smith (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1982), 5–7; and Plutarch, Moralia, vol. 5, trans. Frank Cole Babbitt (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1957), 117. See also Erwin Panofsky, “The Neoplatonic Movement in Florence and North Italy,” in Studies in Iconology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1939), 163–64.

  31. 31. Hammer, Kurfürstin Luise Henriette, 90.

  32. 32. Ibid, 83–97.

  33. 33. A letter of December 3, 1652 from the Brandenburg representative in Amsterdam to the Elector states, “Täglich kommen mich bei dieser kümmerlichen Zeit alhier, Maürer- und Zimmerleute anlauffen, und fragen, ob sie nicht bei Ew. Churfl. Durchl. konten Werck finden” (Every day in this difficult time, masons and carpenters come to me and ask if they might not find work with Your Electoral Highness). As quoted in Hammer, Kurfürstin Luise Henriette, 90.

  34. 34. Inventarissen, 184 and 191; Pieter van der Ploeg and Carola Vermeeren, “‘From the “Sea Prince’s” Monies’: The Stadholder’s Art Collection,” in Princely Patrons: The Collection of Frederick Henry of Orange and Amalia van Solms in The Hague, ed. Peter van der Ploeg and Carola Vermeeren, exh. cat. (The Hague: Royal Portrait Gallery Mauritshuis, 1997–98), 41; and Helmut Börsch-Supan, “Die Gemälde aus dem Vermächtnis der Amalie van Solms und aus der Oranischen Erbschaft in den brandenburgisch-preußischen Schlössern. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der hohenzollernschen Kunstsammlungen,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte, ed. Margarete Kühn (Munich and Berlin: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1967), 195 and 198.

  35. 35. Ibid, 542; and Dutch Classicism in Seventeenth-Century Painting, exh. cat. (Rotterdam: Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen; and Frankfurt am Main: Städelsches Kunstinstitut, 1999–2000), no. 46.

  36. 36. on the rise in the depiction of the female nude at this time, see Elizabeth Ann Schott, “Representing the Body in the Seventeenth-Century Netherlands: Rembrandt’s Nudes Reconsidered” (PhD diss., University of California-Berkeley, 2000). On contemporary responses to the female nude, see Eric Jan Sluijter, Rembrandt and the Female Nude (Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam Press, 2006), chapt. 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789053568378

  37. 37. On the development of nudity as an attribute of Venus’s physical beauty, see Kenneth Clark, The Nude: A Study in Ideal Art (London: John Murray, 1957), chapt. 3.

  38. 38. Perry Chapman has observed that Rembrandt used hairstyle as an “aspect of the costumes and guises that he puts on and takes off at will”; I believe that the same could be said of hair color. See H. Perry Chapman, Rembrandt’s Self-Portraits: A Study in Seventeenth-Century Identity (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1990), 22.

  39. 39. This was also observed in Jan Lievens: Ein Maler im Schatten Rembrandts, exh. cat. (Braunschweig: Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, 1979), no. 37.

  40. 40. Because of the size of the Rijksmuseum painting, it is often associated with the allegory of peace assessed at 100 guilders in Lievens’s estate inventory. It has been proposed that the painting was a failed commission that remained in the artist’s possession until his death. The connection between this painting and the inventory, and my relation of it to Louise Henriette’s palace, is speculative. See Abraham Bredius, Künstler-Inventare: Urkunden zur Geschichte der Holländischen kunst des XVIten, XVIIten und XVIIIten Jahrhunderts (The Hague: M. Nijhoff, 1915), 1:187; and Jan Lievens: A Dutch Master Rediscovered, no. 49.

  41. 41. Barbara Gaeghtens, “Amalia von Solms und die oranische Kunstpolitik,” in Onder den Oranje boom: Niederländische Kunst und Kultur im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert an deutschen Fürstenhöfen, ed. Markus Schacht, Jörg Meinder, and Horst Lademacher, exh. cat. (Krefeld: Kaiser-Wilhelm-Museum; Schloß Oranienburg; Apeldoorn: Paleis Het Loo, 1999–2000), 265–85; and Treanor, “Amalia van Solms,” 107–229.

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Slive, Seymour. Frans Hals. 3 vols. London: Phaidon, 1970–74.

Slothouwer, D.F. De Paleizen van Frederik Hendrik. Leiden: A.W. Sijthoff, 1945.

Sluijter, Eric Jan. Rembrandt and the Female Nude. Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789053568378

Smith, David R. Masks of Wedlock: Seventeenth-Century Dutch Marriage Portraiture. Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1982.

Tiethoff-Spliethoff, Marieke. “Role-Play and Representation: Portrait Painting at the Court of Frederik Hendrik and Amalia.” In Princely Display: The Court of Frederik Hendrik of Orange and Amalia van Solms, edited by Marika Keblusek and Jori Zijlmans, 161–84. Zwolle: Waanders, 1997.

Treanor, Virginia Clare. “Amalia van Solms and the Formation of the Stadhouder’s Art Collection, 1625–1675.” PhD diss., University of Maryland, 2012.

Tucker, Rebecca Joslyn. “The Art of Living Nobly: The Patronage of Prince Frederik Hendrik (1584–1647) at the Palace of Honselaarsdijk during the Dutch Republic.” PhD diss., Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 2002.

Wishnevsky, Rose. “Studien zum ‘portrait historié’ in den Niederlanden.” PhD diss., Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, 1967.

Woodall, Dena Marie. “Sharing Space: Double Portraiture in Renaissance Italy.” PhD diss., Case Western Reserve University, 2008.

List of Illustrations

Jan Lievens,  Mars and Venus, 1653,  Stiftung Preußische Schlösser und Gärten Berlin-Brandenburg
Fig. 1 Jan Lievens, Mars and Venus, 1653, oil on canvas, 146 x 136 cm. Stiftung Preußische Schlösser und Gärten Berlin-Brandenburg, inv. no. GK I 2573 (photograph by Wolfgang Pfauder 2008) (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Thomas Willeboirts Bosschaert,  Dido and Aeneas in the Den, 1646,  Stiftung Preußische Schlösser und Gärten Berlin-Brandenburg
Fig. 2 Thomas Willeboirts Bosschaert, Dido and Aeneas in the Den, 1646, oil on canvas, 297 x 255 cm. Stiftung Preußische Schlösser und Gärten Berlin-Brandenburg, inv. no. GK I 6291 (photograph by Roland Handrick 1998) (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Gerard van Honthorst,  Allegory of the Marriage of Louise Henriette and, 1650,  Oranjezaal, Koninklijk Paleis Huis ten Bosch, The Hague
Fig. 3 Gerard van Honthorst, Allegory of the Marriage of Louise Henriette and the Great Elector of Brandenburg, 1650, oil on canvas, 200 x 300 cm. Oranjezaal, Koninklijk Paleis Huis ten Bosch, The Hague, inv. no. SC/1286 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Willem van Honthorst,  Allegory of the Founding of Oranienburg,  ca. 1655,  Kreismuseum Oberhavel
Fig. 4 Willem van Honthorst, Allegory of the Founding of Oranienburg, ca. 1655, oil on canvas, 350 x 400 cm. Kreismuseum Oberhavel (photograph by Stefan Binkowski 2012) (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Jan Mytens,  Elector Friedrich Wilhelm and His Family,  ca. 1666,  Stiftung Preußische Schlösser und Gärten Berlin-Brandenburg
Fig. 5 Jan Mytens, Elector Friedrich Wilhelm and His Family, ca. 1666, oil on canvas, 333 x 271 cm. Stiftung Preußische Schlösser und Gärten Berlin-Brandenburg, inv. no. GK I 1019 (photograph by Wolfgang Pfauder 2003) (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Gerard van Honthorst,  Allegory of the Marriage of Louise Henriette and, 1650,  Oranjezaal, Koninklijk Paleis Huis ten Bosch, The Hague
Fig. 6 Detail of figure 3 [side-by-side viewer]
Peter Paul Rubens,  Mars and Venus,  ca. 1617,  Formerly Stiftung Preußische Schlösser und Gärten Berlin-Brandenburg (lost)
Fig. 7 Peter Paul Rubens, Mars and Venus, ca. 1617, oil on canvas, 170 x 193 cm. Formerly Stiftung Preußische Schlösser und Gärten Berlin-Brandenburg (lost), inv. no. GK I 2284 (photograph by an anonymous artist before 1945) (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Jan Lievens,  Allegory of Peace, 1652,  Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 8 Jan Lievens, Allegory of Peace, 1652, oil on canvas, 220 x 204 cm. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, inv. no. SK-A-612 (photograph by Rik Klein Gotink 2010) (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]

Footnotes

  1. 1. Hans Schneider, Jan Lievens: Sein Leben und seine Werke (Haarlem: De eerven F. Bohn n.v., 1932), no. 87.

  2. 2. For a full account of the literature on this painting, see Jacquelyn N. Coutré, “Jan Lievens: Painting, Politics, and Decoration in Dutch Art, 1653–1669” (PhD diss., Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 2011), 136. On the 1699 inventory, see Gerd Bartoschek, Gemälde aus dem Schloß Oranienburg (Oranienburg: Kreismuseum Oranienburg, 1978), 18.

  3. 3. The 1816 inventory of the Berliner Schloß describes the painting solely as a portrait while attributing it to Thomas Willeboirts Bosschaert. See Helmut Börsch-Supan, Die Gemälde im Jagdschloß Grunewald (Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1964), 90. Most recently, the painting has been classified as a portrait historié in Jan Lievens: A Dutch Master Rediscovered, ed. Arthur K. Wheelock, Jr., exh. cat. (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art; Milwaukee Art Museum; Amsterdam: Rembrandthuis, 2008–09), no. 50.

  4. 4. Schneider, Jan Lievens, no. 87; Lloyd DeWitt, “Evolution and Ambition in the Career of Jan Lievens (1607–1674)” (PhD diss., University of Maryland, 2006), 213–14; and Jan Lievens: A Dutch Master Rediscovered, no. 50.

  5. 5. “And her beautiful blond hair covered with golden ribbons” (En haer schoon blonde hayr met gulden spansels decken). As quoted in Karel van Mander, Wtlegginge op den Metamorphosis Pub. Ovid. Nasonis . . . (Haarlem: Paschier van Westbusch, 1604; repr., Utrecht: Davaco, 1969), fol. 29r.

  6. 6. Marieke Tiethoff-Spliethoff, “Role-Play and Representation: Portrait Painting at the Court of Frederik Hendrik and Amalia,” in Princely Display: The Court of Frederik Hendrik of Orange and Amalia van Solms, ed. Marika Keblusek and Jori Zijlmans (Zwolle: Waanders, 1997), 171. Important studies on portrait historié in the United Provinces include Rose Wishnevsky, “Studien zum ‘portrait historié’ in den Niederlanden” (PhD diss., Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, 1967); Alison McNeil Kettering, The Dutch Arcadia: Pastoral Art and Its Audience in the Golden Age (Montclair, N.J.: Boydell Press, 1983), chapt. 5; Sarah M. Crawford-Parker, “Refashioning Female Identity: Women’s Roles in Seventeenth-Century Dutch Historiated Portraits” (PhD diss., University of Kansas, 2006); and Ann Jensen Adams, Public Faces and Private Identities in Seventeenth-Century Holland: Portraiture and the Production of Community (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), chapt. 4.

  7. 7. On the appreciation of portraits, including portraits historiés, by Amalia, see Crawford-Parker, “Refashioning Female Identity,” chapt. 1; Virginia Clare Treanor, “Amalia van Solms and the Formation of the Stadhouder’s Art Collection, 1625–1675” (PhD diss., University of Maryland, 2012), chapt. 3; and Saskia Beranek, “Power of the Portrait: Production, Consumption and Display of Portraits of Amalia van Solms in the Dutch Republic” (PhD diss., University of Pittsburgh, 2013). I have not read Beranek’s dissertation, but she has been generous enough to share her ideas with me.

  8. 8. Amalia van Solms-Braunfels as Diana (1632; Gothisches Haus, Wörlitz); Louise Christina van Solms-Braunfels as Diana (ca. 1636; present location unknown); Louise Hollandine as Diana (1643; Centraal Museum, Utrecht); and Elizabeth, Princess Palatine, as Diana (ca. 1632; Bayerisches Staatsgemäldesammlungen, Munich). See J. Richard Judson and Rudolf E. O. Ekkart, Gerrit van Honthorst, 1592–1656, Aetas Aurea 14 (Doornspijk: Davaco, 1999), nos. 310, 456, 365, and 350; see also no. 327. The studio of Jan Mytens produced several portraits of Albertine Agnes (1634–1696) and Maria (1642–1688), Amalia’s second eldest and youngest daughters, as Diana in the early 1660s. See Alexandra Nina Bauer, Jan Mijtens (1613/14–1670): Leben und Werk, Studien der internationalen Architektur- und Kunstgeschichte 21 (Petersberg: Michael Imhof, 2006), nos. A49, A53, A54, and A78.

  9. 9. Amalia van Solms-Braunfels as Flora (ca. 1629; Gothisches Haus, Wörlitz) and Amalia van Solms-Braunfels as Esther (1633; Smith College Museum of Art, Northampton, Mass.). See Judson and Ekkart, Gerrit van Honthorst, nos. 298 and 311.

  10. 10. Elizabeth Stuart, Queen of Bohemia, as Flora and Friedrich V, King of Bohemia, as a Shepherd with Their Children (undated; present location unknown); Elisabeth van Solms as Minerva (1632; present location unknown); and Charlotte de la Trémouille as Minerva (1632; Stichting Historische Verzamelingen van het Huis Oranje-Nassau, The Hague). See Judson and Ekkart, Gerrit van Honthorst, nos. 326, 454, and 461.

  11. 11. Elizabeth Stuart, Queen of Bohemia, as Venus (1646; present location unknown). See Judson and Ekkart, Gerrit van Honthorst, no. 341. On a painting by Ferdinand Bol in which a woman of high social standing is depicted as Venus, see Rudolf E. O. Ekkart, “A portrait historié with Venus, Paris, and Cupid: Ferdinand Bol and the Patronage of the Spiegel Family,” Simiolus 29, nos. 1/2 (2002): 14–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3780923

  12. 12. Amalia van Solms and Charlotte de la Trémouille as Diana and a Nymph (1633; Collection of the Duke and Duchess Fitzwilliam, Castle Milton). See Judson and Ekkart, Gerrit van Honthorst, no. 111; see also no. 297.

  13. 13. Tiethoff-Spliethoff notes that only one historiated portrait of Frederik Hendrik is documented; see Tiethoff-Spliethoff, “Role-Play and Representation,” 171. Beranek also touches upon the gendered nature of the portrait historié at Amalia’s court in her dissertation (email correspondence, February 22, 2013).

  14. 14. Seymour Slive, Frans Hals (London: Phaidon, 1970), 1:51.

  15. 15. Crawford-Parker, “Refashioning Female Identity,” 81–110.

  16. 16. David R. Smith, Masks of Wedlock: Seventeenth-Century Dutch Marriage Portraiture (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1982), 48.

  17. 17. On Amalia’s concerns about rank for the marriage of her daughters, see Simon Groenveld, “Frederick Henry and His Entourage: A Brief Political Biography,” in Princely Patrons: The Collection of Frederick Henry of Orange and Amalia van Solms in The Hague, ed. Peter van der Ploeg and Carola Vermeeren, exh. cat. (The Hague: Royal Portrait Gallery Mauritshuis, 1997–98), 30. Amalia made successful alliances for her daughters after her husband’s death: Albertine Agnes married Stadholder Willem Frederik van Nassau-Dietz (1613–1664) in 1652, Henriette Catharine (1637–1708) married Prince Johann Georg II von Anhalt-Dessau (1627–1693) in 1659, and Maria married Count Palatine Ludwig Heinrich Moritz von Simmeren (1640–1674) in 1666.

  18. 18. Although the 1699 inventory postdates Louise Henriette’s death by thirty-two years, her will of 1662 states that nothing in the palace should be removed or altered until one of her children should be in a position to inhabit it. Her surviving family seems to have visited it infrequently through the late 1680s. See Wilhelm Böck, Oranienburg: Geschichte eines Preussischen Königsschlosses, Forschungen zur Deutschen Kunstgeschichte 30 (Berlin: Deutscher Verein für Kunstwissenschaft, 1938), 33–34.

  19. 19. Having remained in The Hague through the death of her father and then giving birth to her first son at Schloß Zwanenburg in Cleves in May 1648, the Electress did not see her new home until 1650. See Ulrike Hammer, Kurfürstin Luise Henriette: Eine Oranierin als Mittlerin zwischen den Niederlanden und Brandenburg-Preußen, Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur Norwesteuropas 4 (Münster and New York: Waxmann, 2001), 81. On the similarities between Bützow and Holland, see Böck, Oranienburg, 14. On the rejuvenation of Bützow, see Böck, Oranienburg, 14–28; Tony Saring, Louise Henriëtte, Prinses van Oranje (Amsterdam: A.J.G. Strengholt, 1942), 78–86; Konrad A. Ottenheym, “Fürsten, Architekten, und Lehrbücher: Wege der holländischen Baukunst nach Brandenburg im 17. Jahrhundert,” in Onder den Oranje boom: Niederländische Kunst und Kultur im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert an deutschen Fürstenhöfen, ed. Markus Schacht, Jörg Meinder, and Horst Lademacher, exh. cat. (Krefeld: Kaiser-Wilhelm-Museum; Schloß Oranienburg; Apeldoorn: Paleis Het Loo, 1999–2000), 291–93; and Hammer, Kurfürstin Luise Henriette, 82–92.

  20. 20. Konrad Ottenheym also came to this conclusion. See Ottenheym, “Fürsten, Architekten, und Lehrbücher,” 293; see also Hammer, Kurfürstin Luise Henriette, 94.

  21. 21. On Ter Nieuburg, see D.F. Slothouwer, De Paleizen van Frederik Hendrik (Leiden: A.W. Sijthoff, 1945),89–133, 289–303; and Jacob van Campen: Het klassieke ideal in de Gouden Eeuw, ed. Jacobine Huisken, Koen Ottenheym, and Gary Schwartz (Amsterdam: Architectura & Natura Pers, 1995), 174. On Honselaarsdijk, see Slothouwer, Paleizen, 57–82; and Rebecca Joslyn Tucker, “The Art of Living Nobly: The Patronage of Prince Frederik Hendrik (1584–1647) at the Palace of Honselaarsdijk during the Dutch Republic” (PhD diss., Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 2002).

  22. 22. On the unusually early beginnings of Amalia’s porcelain collection, see C. Willemijn Fock, “The Apartments of Frederick Hendrik and Amalia van Solms: Princely Splendour and the Triumph of Porcelain,” in Princely Patrons: The Collection of Frederick Henry of Orange and Amalia van Solms in The Hague, ed. Peter van der Ploeg and Carola Vermeeren, exh. cat. (The Hague: Royal Portrait Gallery Mauritshuis, 1997–98), 80–81. See also Treanor, “Amalia van Solms,” chapt. 4.

  23. 23. Böck, Oranienburg, 26.

  24. 24. Judson and Ekkart, Gerrit van Honthorst, 21–22. A similar balustrade, given to Pieter de Grebber and Paulus Bor, adorned the ceiling of the main hall at Honselaarsdijk. See Tucker, “The Art of Living Nobly,” 179–81.

  25. 25. On the numerous paintings by Dutch artists that hung at Oranienburg, see Bartoschek, Gemälde aus dem Schloß Oranienburg, 11–14; and Gerd Bartoschek, “Ein Kurfürstliches Gemäldekabinett,” in FWC (1620–1688): Der Große Kurfürst; Sammler, Bauherr, Mäzen, exh. cat. (Potsdam: Neues Paleis, 1988), 134–48.

  26. 26. Saring, Louise Henriëtte, 66.

  27. 27. Inventarissen van de inboedels in de verblijven van de Oranjes en daarmede gelijk te stellen stukken 1567–1795, ed. S.W.A. Drossaers and Th.H. Lunsingh Scheurleer (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1974), 1:207. On Rubens’s depictions of Mars and Venus, see Reinhold Baumstark, “Ikonographische Studien zu Rubens Kriegs- und Friedensallegorien,” Aachener Kunstblätter, vol. 45, ed. Peter Ludwig (Cologne: M. Dumont Schauberg, 1974), 125–234.

  28. 28. The engraving published by Abraham van Hoorn (undated; Rijksprentenkabinet, Amsterdam) likely postdates Lievens’s painting.

  29. 29. Louise Henriette must have followed the advice, recorded by Guido Mancini in his Considerazioni sulla pittura (1621), that salacious images should be hung in private chambers. See Dena Marie Woodall, “Sharing Space: Double Portraiture in Renaissance Italy” (PhD diss., Case Western Reserve University, 2008), 207.

  30. 30. Van Mander, Wtlegginge, fol. 30v; Lucretius, De Rerum Natura, rev. Martin Ferguson Smith (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1982), 5–7; and Plutarch, Moralia, vol. 5, trans. Frank Cole Babbitt (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1957), 117. See also Erwin Panofsky, “The Neoplatonic Movement in Florence and North Italy,” in Studies in Iconology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1939), 163–64.

  31. 31. Hammer, Kurfürstin Luise Henriette, 90.

  32. 32. Ibid, 83–97.

  33. 33. A letter of December 3, 1652 from the Brandenburg representative in Amsterdam to the Elector states, “Täglich kommen mich bei dieser kümmerlichen Zeit alhier, Maürer- und Zimmerleute anlauffen, und fragen, ob sie nicht bei Ew. Churfl. Durchl. konten Werck finden” (Every day in this difficult time, masons and carpenters come to me and ask if they might not find work with Your Electoral Highness). As quoted in Hammer, Kurfürstin Luise Henriette, 90.

  34. 34. Inventarissen, 184 and 191; Pieter van der Ploeg and Carola Vermeeren, “‘From the “Sea Prince’s” Monies’: The Stadholder’s Art Collection,” in Princely Patrons: The Collection of Frederick Henry of Orange and Amalia van Solms in The Hague, ed. Peter van der Ploeg and Carola Vermeeren, exh. cat. (The Hague: Royal Portrait Gallery Mauritshuis, 1997–98), 41; and Helmut Börsch-Supan, “Die Gemälde aus dem Vermächtnis der Amalie van Solms und aus der Oranischen Erbschaft in den brandenburgisch-preußischen Schlössern. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der hohenzollernschen Kunstsammlungen,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte, ed. Margarete Kühn (Munich and Berlin: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1967), 195 and 198.

  35. 35. Ibid, 542; and Dutch Classicism in Seventeenth-Century Painting, exh. cat. (Rotterdam: Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen; and Frankfurt am Main: Städelsches Kunstinstitut, 1999–2000), no. 46.

  36. 36. on the rise in the depiction of the female nude at this time, see Elizabeth Ann Schott, “Representing the Body in the Seventeenth-Century Netherlands: Rembrandt’s Nudes Reconsidered” (PhD diss., University of California-Berkeley, 2000). On contemporary responses to the female nude, see Eric Jan Sluijter, Rembrandt and the Female Nude (Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam Press, 2006), chapt. 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789053568378

  37. 37. On the development of nudity as an attribute of Venus’s physical beauty, see Kenneth Clark, The Nude: A Study in Ideal Art (London: John Murray, 1957), chapt. 3.

  38. 38. Perry Chapman has observed that Rembrandt used hairstyle as an “aspect of the costumes and guises that he puts on and takes off at will”; I believe that the same could be said of hair color. See H. Perry Chapman, Rembrandt’s Self-Portraits: A Study in Seventeenth-Century Identity (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1990), 22.

  39. 39. This was also observed in Jan Lievens: Ein Maler im Schatten Rembrandts, exh. cat. (Braunschweig: Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, 1979), no. 37.

  40. 40. Because of the size of the Rijksmuseum painting, it is often associated with the allegory of peace assessed at 100 guilders in Lievens’s estate inventory. It has been proposed that the painting was a failed commission that remained in the artist’s possession until his death. The connection between this painting and the inventory, and my relation of it to Louise Henriette’s palace, is speculative. See Abraham Bredius, Künstler-Inventare: Urkunden zur Geschichte der Holländischen kunst des XVIten, XVIIten und XVIIIten Jahrhunderts (The Hague: M. Nijhoff, 1915), 1:187; and Jan Lievens: A Dutch Master Rediscovered, no. 49.

  41. 41. Barbara Gaeghtens, “Amalia von Solms und die oranische Kunstpolitik,” in Onder den Oranje boom: Niederländische Kunst und Kultur im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert an deutschen Fürstenhöfen, ed. Markus Schacht, Jörg Meinder, and Horst Lademacher, exh. cat. (Krefeld: Kaiser-Wilhelm-Museum; Schloß Oranienburg; Apeldoorn: Paleis Het Loo, 1999–2000), 265–85; and Treanor, “Amalia van Solms,” 107–229.

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DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2013.5.2.14
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Jacquelyn N. Coutré, "Decoration à l’Orange: Jan Lievens’s Mars and Venus in Context," Journal of Historians of Netherlandish Art 5:2 (Summer 2013) DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2013.5.2.14